By Abdulganiyu Abdulqadir

It came with mixed feelings; the death of Chief Mrs Florence Morenike Saraki. We were all basking in the euphoria of Eid-el-Kabir with vim and vigour when news filtered in that Mama Saraki had breathed her last. It was so spectacular, coming at a time when Ilorin stood still for her eminent son, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki.

On that chosen day, Saraki’s Ilorin GRA residence was beaming with visitors from all walks of Kwara in particular. The visit at the time was not to commiserate with the family.

The mammoth crowd gathered to celebrate the Sallah festivity and identify with an illustrious Kwara son, who obviously was also overwhelmed by the show of love and appreciation from his people.

We were all drenched in that exciting mood. The atmosphere was electrifying with polyphonic rhythms emanating from songs and drums renting the atmosphere. People wined, dined, and danced.

But the irony of life was at play; Mama Saraki, about 300 kilometres away, was already embarked on a journey of no return to her Creator – one that everyone will embark on at our chosen time.

Since Mama bade the world au-revoir, the Saraki’s abode in Lagos has turned into a Makkah of sorts, as kinsmen, associates, loyalists, and prominent individuals from all walks of life have been visiting to commiserate with the famous family.

Mama Saraki’s demise is a glorious exit. She said a final goodbye at the ripe age of 89. That is coming 12 years after the family patriarch, Baba Oloye Olusola Saraki died.There’s no way we can tell the late Oloye’s story without making reference to the matriarch.

She was with him through thick and thin, loving and supporting him till the end. I have before this day, listened to the story of the family associates, who at different times shared fond memories of how loving, accommodating, and motherly Mama was.

Those who were lucky to spend time with the duo narrated how they used to swamp the Saraki’s home morning, afternoon, and evening without seeing Mama develop cold feet. She was always affectionate and welcoming. Many even said she was a ‘sure route’ to reach Baba if you had anything bordering you and did not know how to handle it personally.

Just as they say, behind a successful man is a woman pushing him along. Mama was that woman. Her support for Baba Oloye was quintessential and second to none. It’s rare to be as popular and busy as Baba was and still have such a successful and integrated family. Many even assert that it’s almost impossible; you either choose one, citing several instances.

However, the Saraki scions were an exemption. Mama supported Baba Oloye without allowing any of the factors to clog their union. For a big and influential family such as the Sarakis, mama was instrumental in keeping the family together.

She indeed lived a fulfilled life. Not many in the history of the nation have been as fortunate as a woman to marry a man who became a senator and leader of the Senate, and then two offspring who also served in the hallowed chamber.

Her son, Abubakar Bukola Saraki was not just a two-term Senator; he served as President of the 8th Senate. Mama’s eldest son was a Special Assistant on Budgetary Matters to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo when he served as President of the nation and also a two-term Governor in Kwara.

Her daughter, Gbemisola Saraki was a member of the House of Representatives, before serving in the upper chamber for two terms.The gorgeous woman later became a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. What else can one live for? What else has Mama not achieved?

Mama Florence Morenike Saraki is worth celebrating for being an exemplary mother who raised armies that impacted the lives of millions. All her life, she extolled family values, showing love, giving hope, touching lives, and building bridges. The Sarakis have a legacy of philanthropy and Mama has been able to inculcate this in her wards, who today make sterling differences in the lives of the common man.

The death of the Saraki matriarch, therefore, came as a void but not a loss because she came, she saw and she conquered. It pains to see Mama depart this sinful world but we rejoice for a life well spent. Yes, she’ll be greatly missed, but we’ll live with a good memory of the glorious time she spent on earth.

I, thus, commiserate with our Leader and scion of the family, who I know will sorely miss Mama. I sympathize with the former Honourable Minister and other siblings over the loss of heroin.

We must thank God that both parents lived to ripe ages and most especially lived impact-filled lives, engraving their names in gold and leaving behind a new family generation that has already inherited and is sustaining their good deeds.

Their lives are also a renewed reminder to us all, that we all shall journey to the great beyond. What shall we be remembered for? Journey well mama; to your Lord.

Abdulganiyu Abdulqadir writes from Ilorin, Kwara State. He is the Press Officer on Local Matters to Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki

By Michael Owhoko, Ph.D

In every government or institution, there is a corresponding invisible hand that remote-controls its affairs with immense influence over decision-making process, predominantly on matters of interest. In most cases, while the head, and perhaps, the kitchen cabinet, may be aware of this imperceptible parallel, it is mostly unknown to other members of the team, who ignorantly, believe that the administration’s decisions are without external interference.

The Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) is a victim of this invisible hand. The head of the Commission, and possibly, his inner caucus, are not oblivious of its presence and interference, but may be unknown to other members of staff.

By conferring the power to appoint the Chairman of the Commission on the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, law makers, have unwittingly, created an invisible hand for the EFCC. The invisible hand is the President, and by extension, the Presidency.

Section 2 (3) of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Establishment) Act, 2004, clearly states that “the Chairman and members of the Commission, other than ex-officio members, shall be appointed by the President”, and the appointment shall be subject to confirmation by the Senate.

By this Act, the EFCC was delivered as a bondservant from inception, lacking autonomy and courage to function effectively outside the grip and body language rhythm of its master, the President. And since the head of the Commission occupies the driver’s seat, obeying all traffic regulations as beamed by the President, liberty is replaced with dependency.

Under this circumstance, what courage can the Commission’s Chairman muster to prosecute the President’s loyalists without upsetting his ego and sensibilities? This is the burden of the EFCC. Until the power to appoint the Chairman of the Commission is removed from the President, the head of EFCC will continue to operate under dominance and influence of the President, doing his bid and covertly yielding to his whims and caprices, without ethical courage to act otherwise.

No matter how committed and sincerely intentional the Chairman of EFCC may be, his drive for efficiency is weakened by presidential interference. Even if angels are imported from heaven, or heads of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence (TFI), and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) of the United States of America (USA) are redeployed to manage the EFCC, their competence would be undermined by effect of the President.

This finds expression in the crux of allusions to EFCC’s selective war against financial crime and money laundry in the country. The public must recognize that the President is first, and foremost, a politician, who came to power on the ticket of his political party. He has his loyalists and those who supported the process of his ascension to power. Besides political affiliates, some of these stalwarts permeate both the critical public and private sectors.

As a politician who sets his eyes on consolidation and re-election, the President may want to stand with his loyalists during moment of travails, as part of reciprocation gesture for sustained support.

By this action, he stifles the power of the Commission to effectively go after real and powerful perpetrators of financial crime and money laundry in the country, making the Commission’s Chairman helpless without courage to step on toes for fear of being removed from office. The President also has the power to suspend or remove the Chairman of the Commission.

Evidently, circumstances that had led to sack of all past chairmen of EFCC could be linked to invisible hand of the President. To avoid this route, EFCC handles high profile cases deemed to have ties with the President with caution, classifying them as persons with blue blood in their veins. This is the trouble with EFCC, and why it is unable to effectively wage war against financial crimes and money laundry.

Most ex-governors, ministers and other political and business big wigs that have been prosecuted and convicted till date are those with either weak link or fallen out of favour with the President.

An example were former governors of Delta State, James Ibori, and Bayelsa state, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha (now late), whose demand for resource control irked the then President, General Olusegun Obasanjo.

The former President believed that the ex-governors were source of funding for the defunct Niger Delta agitation group, the Movement for Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), and consequently activated the invisible hand which compelled the EFCC to cut the former governors to size.

EFCC now tread with caution without discretionary initiative, constraining itself mainly to petitions received from the public, as against initiating and executing investigations on suspected individuals, and organisations, particularly those that are prone to financial crimes and money laundry. The ministries, agencies, departments of government (MDAs), legislature, judiciary and the organized private sector, are black spots.

The Nigerian environment is fraught with financial crime and money laundry, particularly the political space, yet, EFCC pretends not to know. Politics is a big industry and quick source of unearned income where people become multi-millionaires or billionaires overnight just by participation in politics or serving in the Executive, Legislature or the Judiciary.

For example, National Assembly members who carryout oversight functions in various MDAs and private sector, also double as contractors to these same organisations, despite conflict of interest. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) is replete with such unethical practices, yet, EFCC feigns ignorance.

Why is EFCC not interrogating legislators on padding of budgets? Why is EFCC not putting spotlight on MDAs’ budgets, matching line items against executed projects? Why is EFCC not looking at state governors and how they abuse Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) remittances, including security votes and derivation funds?

Despite admitting that Nigerian banks perpetrate about 70 per cent of financial crimes in the country, why is EFCC not quizzing banks’ chief executive officers (CEOs) over questionable funds’ inflow, foreign exchange manipulation, and round tripping?

According to the Financial Institutions Training Centre (FITC), financial institutions in Nigeria collectively lost about N159 billion to fraud since 2020, yet, EFCC has not deemed it necessary to initiate any probe. Why are key operators and players in the Nigerian capital market not being investigated over unlawful manipulation of stock prices?

Besides, since crude oil exports constitute about two-third earnings, and over 90% of foreign exchange revenue of government, why is EFCC not extending its investigation into crude oil exports to determine possible mismatch between actual production and revenue receipts?

Also, why are suspected financiers of terrorism and kidnapping not being investigated and prosecuted for money laundry?

Sadly, since the formation of EFCC, corruption, including financial crimes and money laundry, have been on the upward swing. This is contrary to the intention of the originators, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on Money Laundering, an intergovernmental organization created by the Group of Seven (G7).

The purpose of the FATF was to use the EFCC to reinforce global war against money laundering, particularly at a time Nigeria was listed among 23 countries that were not supportive of the war against money laundering.

Response to this challenge led to establishment of the Commission through the EFCC Act, which further expanded the scope to include terrorism financing and, economic and financial crimes in Nigeria.

With flourishing corruption menace, and by extension, financial crimes in the public and private sectors, the environment is fertile enough to keep EFCC fully engaged. But, so far, its efforts are not commensurate with current depth and density of financial fraud in the country. Except those that are endorsed by the invisible hand for thorough investigation, high profile cases with real negative impact on the economy are either deliberately overlooked or mismanaged.

Prosecuting yahoo internet fraudsters with no powerful links to authorities together with persons involved in spraying of naira notes are inadequate to justify EFCC’s existence.

In the absence of any underpinning motive to use them as defence mechanism to showcase the Commission’s efforts at fighting financial crimes, these categories of offenders should be left for the Nigeria Police Force to handle.

To rid the country of illicit wealth and growing corruption, Nigeria must review the process leading to the appointment and removal of the Chairman of EFCC in order to insulate the office from the influence and covert control of the President. This is imperative given the country’s low political culture.

Dr. Mike Owhoko, Lagos-based public policy analyst, author, and journalist, can be reached at www.mikeowhoko.com, and followed on X {formerly Twitter} @michaelowhoko.

By Ifeoma Malo

Despite its minimal contribution to global emissions, Africa bears the brunt of climate change’s devastating impacts. The continent, responsible for only 2.8% of global emissions from 1850 to 2021, faces the toughest challenges from climate change.

The continent witnesses more frequent and severe disasters like floods, earthquakes, and droughts. In 2021, seven of the ten most vulnerable countries to climate change were in Africa.

At COP27, a significant milestone was achieved with the establishment of the Loss and Damage Fund (LDF), aimed at addressing challenges in vulnerable developing countries, particularly in Africa. Governments formally established the Fund in November 2023 on the first day of COP28. The $792 million pledged during COP-28 to set the LDF in motion was welcomed by developing countries, especially those in Africa.

Africa requires between $290 billion and $440 billion between 2020 and 2030 to finance loss and damage needs, highlighting the significant gap between pledges and the current realities.

The purpose of the LDF is to assist developing countries’ vulnerabilities to the address effects of climate change in responding to economic and noneconomic loss and damage associated with extreme weather and slow-onset events. The Nairobi Declaration of September 2023 emphasized the operationalisation of the LDF as agreed at COP27.

The Declaration resolved for a measurable Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) with indicators and targets to assess progress against negative impacts of climate change.

The eligibility criteria for the LDF is to prioritise all developing countries, especially those facing vulnerability to climate change. It emphasises on a country-led approach to ensure that accessing the fund is integrated within national frameworks and respects the unique situations and contexts of different countries grappling with climate-induced loss and damages.

Developing countries within the Transitional Committee have advocated for universal eligibility for the LDF, emphasising on a fair access, determined by climate events, impacts, and necessities.

The LDF’s accessibility is critical for Africa. The eligibility criteria are designed to be inclusive, prioritising vulnerable developing countries. The proposed allocation system focuses on specific challenges faced by communities, catering to both immediate and long-term needs. This country-led approach ensures that accessing the fund aligns with national frameworks and addresses unique situations.

The decision-making process prioritizes data from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), while acknowledging the limitations in data collection for some regions. Additionally, a minimum allocation floor for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS) is being considered. These elements, if implemented effectively, positions Africa to benefit significantly from the LDF.

African countries, with their diverse climate disasters such as droughts, floods, and rising sea levels, particularly in the Sahel, Horn of Africa, and equatorial regions, are potential candidates for LDF support. However, success depends on addressing capacity issues within African countries and ensuring their active role in LDF decision-making.

Implementing the LDF in vulnerable developing countries faces challenges such as limited resources versus vast needs, transparent eligibility criteria, direct fund access by local communities, and integration into national climate strategies. A robust mechanism for monitoring fund utilisation is crucial for transparency and accountability.

Despite the progress at COP28, significant gaps remain. Wealthy nations have yet to shoulder their fair share of responsibility. The initial pledges to the LDF fall far short of what’s needed to address the widespread human rights violations caused by years of climate inaction. Discussions are ongoing to establish new, measurable climate finance goals by 2024, aiming for an annual target of $100 billion.

While some developed nations have made initial pledges, the contribution from the United States remains disappointingly low compared to the EU and even some developing nations. These discrepancies raise crucial questions from an African perspective: What is the official definition of loss and damage? How will the LDF be sustained financially? Which criteria will guide the allocation of funds?

These challenges notwithstanding, Africa has an opportunity. The LDF aims to address the devastating impacts of extreme weather events on the continent. However, work remains on establishing the fund’s governance structure, with an evaluation scheduled for 2027.

The establishment of the LDF is a significant step towards climate justice for Africa. Yet, the current pledges fall short of the estimated needs. Moving forward, increased contributions from developed nations are crucial to ensure sustainable and predictable financing. Africa, on its part, must advocate for clear definitions and criteria for loss and damage funding, ensuring the needs of its most vulnerable communities are addressed.

Furthermore,active engagement in setting and meeting new climate finance goals by COP29 is essential. Aiming for the $100 billion annual target is necessary to support effective national climate plans by 2025.

These collective efforts hold the key to a fair transition and mitigating the devastating impacts of climate change on the continent.

Ifeoma Malo is the Founder and CEO, Clean Technology Hub based in Nigeria.

My fellow Nigerians, let me begin by congratulating all of us for witnessing the celebration of another Democracy Day today, the 12th day of June 2024. This year also marks our nation’s 25 years of uninterrupted democratic governance.

On this day, 31 years ago, we entered our rites of passage to becoming a true and enduring democratic society.

Going through this passage was hard and dangerous. During the fateful six years that followed, we fought and struggled for our natural rights as human beings put on this earth by the divine hand of our Creator.

We lost great heroes and heroines along the way. In this struggle, the winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief MKO Abiola, the most significant symbol of our democratic struggle, his wife, Kudirat, General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua and Pa Alfred Rewane, among others sacrificed their very lives.

They bravely surrendered their futures, so that our nation might have a better one.

Let us honour the memories of Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Commodore Dan Suleiman, Chief Arthur Nwankwo, Chief Chukwuemeka Ezeife, Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, Chief Frank Kokori, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Chief Ayo Fasanmi, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Olabiyi Durojaiye, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Chima Ubani, and others who have transited to the higher realm.

The sacrifices of General Alani Akinrinade, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, Professor Wole Soyinka, Chief Ralph Obioha, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, among many others, should never be forgotten. For at least six years, they bore the pains and difficulties of life in exile.

While the exiled pro-democracy activists kept the fire burning, their comrades at home sustained the pressure on the military brass hats. Among the latter are Olisa Agbakoba, Femi Falana, Abdul Oroh, Senator Shehu Sani, Governor Uba Sani, Chief Olu Falae, and other National Democratic Coalition leaders such as Chief Ayo Adebanjo and Chief Ayo Opadokun.

The sacrifices they made, and the precious gift brought about by their selfless devotion can never be repaid. Neither shall it be forgotten.

We could not have won the battle against military dictatorship without the irrepressible Nigerian journalists who mounted the barricades along with the pro-democracy activists. We celebrate them today, along with their media establishments such as The Punch, Guardian, National Concord, Tribune, The News/Tempo, and TELL Magazines.

Military authorities proscribed these media establishments and jailed their journalists for standing for free speech and civil liberties.

Despite the lethal might of the military government, what appeared to be high and unyielding walls of dictatorship came tumbling down. The dismal fortress exists no longer.

The power of an idea, the power of the people proved more potent than all the guns and munitions, and the threats of the strongmen.

The nation exited the yoke of military rule in 1999 to become the most populous democracy on African soil, the beacon of democratic self-determination for the black race and one of the largest democracies in the world.

This change stands as a pivotal moment in human history. From this change, we shall never turn, nor shall the annals of mankind’s progress forget the sublime meaning of this great moment.

Today, 25 years later, we celebrate the silver anniversary of our journey in democracy.

We have steadied the course.

Democracy is neither a foreign nor abstract concept devoid of real-life meaning for us. Neither can we afford to reduce or minimalise it to being nothing but the mere holding of periodic elections where one candidate and party outdo another.

While elections attract dramatic attention, they are but one aspect of democracy. Democracy is a way of life that encompasses a broad outlook of which elections are but a part. As such, a nation can have elections without being democratic. But a nation cannot be truly democratic without holding elections.

That we have established a tradition of holding transparent, open, and fair elections gives credence to our democratic bearing. That we have experienced peaceful transitions of government affirms our democratic temperament.

Fellow Nigerians, true democracy shines its light into the daily lives of the people who live under its nurturing wings. It affords us the freedom and liberty to think as we want, live where we want and pursue whatever legitimate endeavour that suits us.

Democracy does not assume some false or forced unity of opinion. In fact, democracy assumes that conflicting ideas and differing opinions shall be the order of the day. Given the diversity and variety of the human experience, there must be diverse perspectives and viewpoints.

What democracy demands is that we do not resolve differences through force and repression. But we make allowance for the legitimacy of views that differ from our own.

Where other forms of government impose against the will of the people, democracy aims to make leaders sufficiently humble that they conduct themselves as servants of the common good, not as viceroys of the narrow interests of the mighty.

My dear compatriots, Nigeria faced a decision of untold gravity twenty-five years ago: Whether to veer toward a better destination or continue aimlessly in the fog of dictatorship.

We made the right choice then. We must continue with that choice now.

As Nigerians, we must remind ourselves that no matter how complicated democracy may be, it is the best form of governance in the long run. We must also be aware that there are those among us who will try to exploit current challenges to undermine, if not destroy, this democracy for which so much has already been given.

These people do this not to make things better but to subject all other people and things to their control and dominance until the point that, if you are not counted among their elite, then your life will be small and no longer owned by you.

This is the great battle of our day and the major reason we specially celebrate this Democracy day.

Fellow Nigerians, our Democracy is more than a historic fact. It is a living, breathing reality.

The true meaning of this day is not to focus solely on the great deeds of the past that have brought us to this point.

Yes, we pay eternal honour to those who laid down their lives, sacrificing everything to pave the way for the nation.

I stand uniquely placed in this regard. I was among those who took the risk to midwife the birth of our democracy. I am now a direct and obvious beneficiary of the fruits of those historic efforts.

As president of this nation, I am morally and constitutionally bound to preserve this precious form of governance. I vow to do my utmost best to protect your rights, freedoms, and liberties as citizens of Nigeria.

Even more than that, I pledge to do whatever is necessary to cement democracy as our way of life.

Although the challenges are steep and multiple, I am grateful to lead Nigeria at this moment in her history and point in her democratic journey.

I come before you also to declare that our most important work remains before us. This real test has never been whether we would rise to challenge the slings of misfortune and grievous pain of dictatorship.

The real test is whether we shall lower our guards as the shadow of despotism and its evident physical danger fade.

I say to you here and now that as we celebrate the enshrinement of our political democracy, let us commit ourselves to the fulfilment of its equally important counterpart, the realisation of our economic democracy.

I understand the economic difficulties we face as a nation.

Our economy has been in desperate need of reform for decades. It has been unbalanced because it was built on the flawed foundation of over-reliance on revenues from the exploitation of oil.

The reforms we have initiated are intended to create a stronger, better foundation for future growth. There is no doubt the reforms have occasioned hardship. Yet, they are necessary repairs required to fix the economy over the long run so that everyone has access to economic opportunity, fair pay and compensation for his endeavour and labour.

As we continue to reform the economy, I shall always listen to the people and will never turn my back on you.

In this spirit, we have negotiated in good faith and with open arms with organized labour on a new national minimum wage. We shall soon send an executive bill to the National Assembly to enshrine what has been agreed upon as part of our law for the next five years or less.

In the face of labour’s call for a national strike, we did not seek to oppress or crack down on the workers as a dictatorial government would have done. We chose the path of cooperation over conflict.

No one was arrested or threatened. Instead, the labour leadership was invited to break bread and negotiate toward a good-faith resolution.

Reasoned discussion and principled compromise are hallmarks of democracy. These themes shall continue to animate my policies and interaction with the constituent parts of our political economy.

I take on this vital task without fear or favour and I commit myself to this work until we have built a Nigeria where no man is oppressed.

In the end, our national greatness will not be achieved by travelling the easy road. It can only be achieved by taking the right one.

The words of the American President Franklin Roosevelt certainly ring true:

” There are many ways of going forward. But only one way of standing still”!

We dare not slumber lest the good things awaiting our immediate future pass us by. We dare not plant our feet in idle standstill in the middle of the intersection of hope and despair.

We know the proper way forward and we shall take it!

The initial rays of a brighter tomorrow now appear on the early horizon. An abundant future and our capacity to achieve that future lie within our reach. Democracy and the institutions it begets offer to take us to our profound destination.

Let us board this progressive train together. Together, let us move Nigeria forward.

Let’s continue to keep the fire of democracy burning. Let’s keep the torch lit for generations to come.

May God continue to bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria and preserve our democracy.

I wish us all Happy Democracy Day.

PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU

Ishowo Olanrewaju

In a significant move towards reinforcing democratic principles and ensuring genuine representation at the grassroots, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN as well as National Assembly (NASS) leaders have collectively called out state governors for their manipulation of local government councils.

To demonstrate its commitment towards the revitalisation of LG administration in the country, the Federal Government, last week, dragged the 36 state governors before the Supreme Court, seeking the enforcement of full autonomy of local governments in Nigeria.

Among the injunctions,the Federal Government is urging the apex court to issue is an order prohibiting state governors from embarking on unilateral, arbitrary and unlawful dissolution of democratically elected local government chairmen, and constituting caretaker committees in their place.

It also prayed the court to make an order permitting the funds meant for the LGs to be directly channelled to them from the Federation Account in line with the provisions of the Constitution as against how the governors take the advantage of section 162(6) at the detriment of the third tier of Government in their respective states.

These actions almost make it to be alleged unlawful joint accounts. The AGF shouldn’t go back on his radical approach to unboundle this alleged controversial section.

According to media reports,the case is slated for hearing today, May 30, but it is not clear if the state governments who have always opposed moves to enthrone independence of LGs, have filed their defence before the court.

This move by the incumbent administration of Tinubu marks a decisive shift from the previous administration’s approach and shows commitment to local government autonomy, which has long been undermined by political interests at the state level.

One of the key issues the Tinubu government wants to address is the unlawful practice of appointing loyalists or “stooges” to local government positions by state governors. This undemocratic trend is particularly evident in states like Kwara, where Governor Abdulrahman has been prioritizing his political interests over the will of the people.

By handpicking his loyalists to man local councils, the governor has in the last five years stifled the democratic process, depriving the masses of their fundamental right to choose their representatives.

This practice not only erodes public trust in the electoral process but also diminishes the quality of governance at the local level. Local governments, which are supposed to be the closest to the people and most responsive to their needs, are rendered ineffective when they are led by individuals who owe their allegiance to the governor rather than the electorate.

President Tinubu’s call for genuine local government elections is a commendable departure from the approach taken by his predecessor.

The former administration’s lack of decisive action on local government autonomy allowed state governors to continue their manipulative practices unchecked. Tinubu’s administration, however, is signaling a clear intent to rectify this imbalance and restore power to the people.

In a recent statement, President Tinubu emphasized the importance of local governments in promoting grassroots development and delivering essential services to citizens. He stressed that for local governments to function effectively, they must be led by individuals who are truly representative of their communities, not mere extensions of the governor’s office.

While President Tinubu’s stance is a critical step forward, it is imperative that the National Assembly takes concrete legislative actions to support this vision. The laws governing local government elections must be amended to ensure that these elections are conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) rather than state electoral authorities. This change is crucial to eliminating the undue influence that state governors currently wield over the local election process.

NASS leaders have a significant role to play in this regard. By amending the constitution to transfer the responsibility of conducting local government elections to INEC, they can help safeguard the integrity of these elections and ensure that they are free, fair and reflective of the people’s will. This legislative change will be a significant stride towards achieving genuine local government autonomy and enhancing democratic governance in Nigeria.

In states like Kwara, where the governor’s manipulation of local government elections has been particularly egregious, the impact of such reforms would be profound.

Notwithstanding that I have reservations on the uprightness and independence of INEC, but allowing the national electoral body to oversee these elections would ensure a level playing field for all candidates and restore the people’s confidence in the electoral process.

By advocating for INEC’s oversight of these elections, they are championing the cause of local government autonomy and ensuring that the voices of the masses are heard and respected. It is now up to the National Assembly to translate this vision into reality through timely and decisive legislative action.

In doing so, they will not only uphold the principles of democracy but also pave the way for more effective and responsive governance at the grassroots.

This is a momentous opportunity for Nigeria to reaffirm its commitment to democratic ideals and empower its citizens to choose their representatives freely and fairly.

However, it’s important to recognize that the National Assembly has never been the primary obstacle to local government autonomy. The real problem lies within the State Houses of Assembly, which are predominantly controlled by their respective state governors.

These governors exert considerable influence over the legislative processes at the state level, effectively stalling any progress towards genuine local government autonomy.

The State Houses of Assembly, often aligned with the interests of the governors, have consistently failed to pass necessary amendments that would empower local governments.

This entrenched power dynamic requires the need for a systemic overhaul to ensure that local government elections are truly democratic and independent of state level political manipulations.

By Lawal Akanbi Sharafadeen.

It is very laughable to see someone in their right senses try to compare the tenures of Governor Bukola Saraki and Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq as Nigeria Governors’ Forum Chairmen. While I do try not to make comparisons between the duo, because I believe “ti a ba fi omo we omo, a lu ikan paa ni,” but may God forgive me because I however feel it is necessary I make a very short comparison here.

While the former’s administration was marked by groundbreaking reforms and unprecedented accomplishments that were largely felt by Kwarans and other Nigerians, the latter, who is the current occupant of that office, lacks the intellectual capacity to even champion a cause or reform as the Chairman of the Forum.

Rather, he has reduced the office to mere ceremonies and courtesy visits. We are not surprised that Governor Bago of Niger has been pitched to replace Governor Abdulrahman by other members of the Forum who believe he will perform better than the incumbent.

The deputy chairmen of the NGF who are from each of the 6 geo-political zones of the country, have expressed their lack of confidence in the leadership of Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq and fear for the crumbling of the Forum if things are left to him.

It is disheartening to see what our Governor has reduced us to in Kwara. We now rejoice only at receiving favours without any attempt to become better in our self-sustenance. We now claim mere paperwork as achievements.

Why don’t you wait until the roads are completed before you begin to count your eggs, Mr. Egghead? How do you explain the shamelessness of the Governor’s aide trying to distort facts in a write-up, claiming that the same roads that had long been approved by former President Muhammadu Buhari was facilitated by Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq as Chairman of the Governors’ Forum?

This is a blatant lie.For reference, -the roads fraudulently alluded to Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq’s NGF chairmanship were a product of an Executive order 007 signed by the Muhammadu Buhari administration on “Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme 2019”, which established a 10-year scheme known as the Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme.

Currently,some of the most prominent participants have embarked on various road schemes. They include Dangote Cement Plc (Apapa-Oworonshoki-Ojota road in Lagos and the Lokoja-Obajana-Kabba Road connecting Kogi and Kwara States), MTN (110km Enugu-Onitsha Road in Anambra State) and Transcorp Group (Oyinbo- Izuoma-Mirinwayi-Oklama-Afam Road).

Others are:Access Bank (Oniru axis of VI-Lekki circulation road in Lagos State), GZI Industries (Umueme village road, Abia State and Mainstreet Energy, Malando-Garin Baka-Ngwaski Road) and in specific, BUA Group has also received approval for N415 billion tax credits that comprise N115 billion 132km Kano-Kazaure-Kongolam highway under the same scheme linking Kano, Jigawa and Katsina States and another four major roads worth N330 billion which are Kosubosu- Kaiama-Bode Saadu highway (130km); Bacita- Shonga-Lafiagi highway (83km); Eyenkorin- Afon-O!a-Odo Ottin highway (49km); and Okuta-Bukuro Road which connects to Benin Republic (32km).

We know it is difficult to defend the inadequacies in Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq’s leadership, but you shouldn’t resort to lying and white washing the Governor because the only way to be correct in these lies is if only other numerous roads from other states of the country captured under the scheme initiated in 2019 could be somehow linked to Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq who only became a governor in 2019 and was not a chairman of the NGF until 4 years after the roads were approved for construction.

Also,one doesn’t need to be the Chairman of the Governor’s Forum before you can facilitate roads. It is also a known fact that the longest road by km in Kwara State was facilitated under Governor Bukola Saraki.

While ‘I waa still a toddler when Governor Saraki was Kwara State Governor or when he served as the NGF chairman’ isn’t a tenable excuse any longer, permit me to say having a Governor on the side of the people is the greatest blessing citizens can have.

Governor Bukola Saraki’s tenure was characterized by deep affection for the people, and through his leadership as the Forum Chairman, he instituted policies that made governance easier for the people and created a system where every Governor could compete to do better.

One of such initiatives was the State Peer Review Mechanism, aimed at fostering development, enhancing governance, and sharing best practices among the states. This initiative led the NGF to transition from a largely political entity into a more policy-focused, people-centric organization.

Another beautiful initiative of Dr. Saraki’s visionary leadership as the NGF chairman was in In 2011 when a proposal to create the Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA) met with significant opposition from the majority of Nigeria’s 36 state governors.

The NSIA was conceived to manage a Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) that would enable the federal government to invest in diverse sectors and mitigate economic risks.

In recognition of the long-term advantages of the Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF), Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki as the NGF Chairman, partnered with the Ministry of Finance to adapt the fund in a way that would benefit the states’ development.

Utilizing his position and persuasive skills, Dr. Saraki succeeded in swaying his gubernatorial colleagues to endorse the NSIA initiative and what do you have today?.The NSIA manages assets exceeding $3.5 billion, serving as a testament to the foresight of leaders like Dr. Saraki who understood the broader economic implications and benefits that such a fund could bring to Nigeria.

We all know his efforts in championing the eradication of polio in Nigeria. I challenge Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq’s handlers to mention one people-focused policy he has embarked on either as the state Governor or as the under-performing NGF chairman that he is.

Today, the federal government can embark on a project for the upgrade of the Harmony Advanced Diagnostic Centre because Bukola Saraki conceived and birthed that initiative.

The federal government saw what Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq wasn’t seeing after he neglected the facility for many years before certain people began to work behind closed doors to ensure the federal government consolidated on the HADC facility.

We know how this Governor has starved the workers there of their payments, and yet you still want to rig the glory to Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq despite knowing nothing about it.

Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq’s leadership has only exemplified bad governance, lawlessness, and no regard for the rule of law in the state. The Governor leads the pack of those who have not conducted local government elections in the state despite the federal government’s cry for the fiscal autonomy of all local governments councils.

Who should lead by example? Instead of people-focused policies, he is hell-bent on seeing people in poverty by taking away their means of livelihood without any measures to cushion these effects, especially during the most difficult times experienced by common people.

Who instituted the doctrine of necessity for power to be transferred to the vice president in the absence of the then president Shehu Musa Yaradua? This is a man with a record of delivering real solutions to issues. The Ilorin Smartcity project is the brainchild of the Federal Government, and we know how that project is still far from being a reality yet.

How many real-time issues or initiatives has Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq proffered solutions to as the Chairman of the Governors’ Forum? We are tired of hearing the same two or three proposed FG projects.

The Presidency understands the sneaky nature of Abdulrazaq, which is why President Bola Ahmed Tinubu rejected the Governor’s purported list of favourites that included his siblings as ministerial nominees.

Instead, he chose those whom he could trust without the input of the State Governor, as well as other key appointments such as that of Mallam Lanre Issa Onilu and many others.

The Governor and his siblings’ cronyism is evident in the composition of the State Cabinet and Advisers to the government. They said the Governor knows about the list he has no influence over. Is Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq now a state house journalist?

Let me digress here to ask the Governor to mention one appointee of his that has done so much for the people with their office like Prof. Oba Abdulraheem whom you have claimed was not allowed to succeed in their office.

Was it not the same Governor Bukola Saraki during his time as NGF Chairman who returned Prof. Oba Abdulraheem as the Chairman of the Federal Character Commission after he had resigned? Is that not the same Prof. that was robbed by Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq to the 2019 APC guber primaries?

We will not forget Abdulrahman’s atrocities to the people of Kwara State. We know how he went against Kale Kawu of Rural Electrification Agency (REA) in Abuja, how he stood against the reappointment of Prof. Abubakar Suleiman.

Why was Lukman Mustapha relieved of his position? Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq will one day answer to all he has perpetrated by bringing down other illustrious sons of Kwara State because he is the NGF Chairman today.

While I will always maintain that it is a huge disrespect to try a comparison between any past or present NGF chairman or Kwara State Governor with Bukola Saraki, it will only be sane to note that Bukola Saraki ran so that other Chairmen and Governors could walk.

He brought positive and radical changes by restructuring and resourcing the Forum to enable it to respond to both the contemporary and future needs of Governors and their constituents under his leadership as Chairman.

He strengthened the policy development capacity of the Forum with support from the UK’s Department for International Development.

This, along with a range of other international partnerships – such as the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation – allowed the Forum to reach new international audiences to the benefit of Governors and individual states. Kwarans are proud of their son.

The question is, without lying, what has Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq done with his office as Chairman other than jamboree visits to Aso Rock and acting as an airport ushering coordinator for the president?

Lawal Akanbi Sharafadeen writes from Kwara State Capital.

By Dayo Omoogun

Enhancement of banks’ capital base or restructuring of banks’ capital which is more popularly known in social parlance as bank recapitalization has become topical once again in the last few months ever since the Central Bank of Nigeria first hinted at it November last year and finally announced its decision to compel new capitalisation benchmarks for banks in March.

A similar exercise that readily comes to mind is the one midwifed by the Professor Charles Soludo-led CBN about 20 years ago, which stipulated an increase from 2bn to N25bn about 1200% hike. The benefits which accrued from that exercise are well documented.

Unlike the Soludo capitalization which stipulated N25bn minimum capitalization across board, the CBN, under Cardoso, has set different benchmarks for the various banks depending on their licence categories.

Under this policy, international banks such as Access, First, GTBank, UBA and Zenith Bank are to raise their minimum share capital to half a trillion naira, that is, N500bn. Banks with only national coverage are to raise a minimum of N200bn while regional banks are mandated to attain a baseline of N50bn.

Non-interest banks such as TAJ, Jaiz and Alternative Bank are to move to N20bn capitalization. This differentiated baselines are reflective of the level of exposure to risk and the needs assessment for their jurisdictions.

It is an undeniable fact that policies such as this usually trigger apprehension across the various segments and sectors of the society.

For example, following the Soludo recap, the number of banks operating in the country crashed by about 72% from 89 to 25 banks which clearly would have led to some job losses. It is therefore important for the promoters and the various publics to be at one, at least on a substantial scale, on a matter as crucial as this.

So what is in the recapitalization of banks for the various stakeholders and Nigerians in general that should make it elicit the approval and buy-in of all and sundry?

First, a noticeable reduction in banks tally is not envisaged this time around especially as there is the option for them to move downwards or upwards across categories. So job losses, if at all, will be minimal. Indeed conversely, it is likely that more hands and technology will be needed in the reinvented sector.

With a Tinubu administration that envisions a trillion dollar economy imminently, a strengthened banking industry that is globally competitive will be a major enabler for the realization of such vision. Perhaps there is a cynic somewhere asking why we need a trillion dollar economy in the first place. That will be a matter for another day.

There is no doubt that a stronger capital base assures greater capacity for lending and sufficient hedges against shocks as may arise from time to time.

After the Soludo recapitalization for example, Nigerian banks played a more significant role in the financing of oil and gas projects as well as in telecoms. The manufacturing sector has not benefitted sufficiently from the banking sector thus far.

Perhaps, a new day beckons from second quarter 2026 when the sector will begin to access the much needed support in terms of cheap funds it has always desired from the banking industry. Of course, this will result in mind blowing scenarios for catapulting the economy to heights yet unknown.

Prof Uwaleke, President of Association of Capital Market Academics in Nigeria, reacting when the apex bank first hinted at the plan in late 2023, had this to say, ”It goes without saying that capital is needed to finance big-ticket projects, especially when the government is targeting a one trillion dollar economy in a few years’ time.”

Dr. Ilias, an Abuja based Economist and Policy Analyst says, “when Soludo recapitalized (in 2004/2005) dollar to naira exchange was not like this, right now we are having serious liquidity problems. So the first advantage is that the Nigerian economy will have much more capital and the more the availability of capital the more the investment in Nigeria.

So if banks have more money it means more money to give the manufacturing sector and indeed MSMEs because that is practically the challenge we have in Nigeria which makes lending to be currently skewed in favour of a few Organised Private Sector (OPS) enterprises.”

Also, he says, the banks will be positioned for greater profitability as they are enabled to engage in greater volume of trade. Ilias adds that it is valuable for bragging rights among the comity of nations as well as for positioning for credit opportunities from Bretton Woods organisations, etc.

To ordinary Nigerians, especially the businessmen among them this is also good news as the banks will be on positioned to be more responsive in granting their requests for more affordable credit facilities.

Dayo Omoogun is a publisher and social commentator based in Abuja.

By Abdulyekeen Mohd Bashir.

Infrastructure development is the bedrock of societal progress, a tangible reflection of a government’s commitment to improving the lives of its citizens.

Across the globe,nations invest heavily in infrastructure, recognizing its role in economic growth and social welfare. However, in Kwara State, the narrative of infrastructural development seems more illusory than real, with promises outweighing tangible outcomes.

Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq’s administration has consistently presented ambitious budgets, promising transformative infrastructure projects. Yet, the reality on the ground paints a starkly different picture.

Despite the allocation of substantial funds, including more than ₦51 billion in loans and bonds and a significant increase in federal allocations, the actual capital expenditure performance for 2023 was a mere 45.2%, reflecting a significant gap between promises and delivery.

Available data shows that ₦135,131,064,726 was earmarked for capital expenditure; unfortunately, only ₦61,034,796,239 was utilized. A 45.2% is not a passing grade by any academic rating.

This raises doubts about the administration’s ability to fulfill its promises, particularly regarding infrastructure development, despite its claims of a rigorous drive in this area.

One cannot help but compare this with the swift and impactful actions of leaders in other regions. Take, for instance, HM Nyesom Wike, who, within just nine months of assuming office, will be commissioning a slew of projects, including;

● The Abuja Metro train line

● Southern Parkway from the National Christian Centre to Ring Road 1.

● Outer Southern Expressway (OSEX) from Villa Roundabout to Ring Road 1.

● Vice President’s official residence.

● B6 and B12 Circular Road, known as Independence and Constitution Avenues.

● Arterial Road, N20 from Northern Parkway (Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Expressway) to Outer Northern Expressway (Murtala Mohammed Expressway).

● Wuye Interchange.

● Guzape Lot II
District Infrastructure.

Projects like the Tanke flyover, visual art, and the garment factory, which have been touted as flagship projects, are yet to be completed fully, raising questions about the administration’s ability to deliver on its promises. Despite having robust internally generated revenue (IGR) and access to substantial funds, the impact on the ground remains minimal.

The disconnect between promises and reality is evident. While government officials praise the administration’s achievements, the lack of visible progress undermines these claims. It is time for Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq to follow the example of leaders like Nyesom Wike, who have shown that impactful governance is about delivering tangible results that improve lives.

As Kwarans look to the future, we need a government that prioritizes our welfare over political posturing. Governor Abdulrahman must translate his promises into action, turning the mirage of infrastructure development into a reality that Kwarans can see and feel.

The 2024 budget’s performance is disappointing. For instance, the first-quarter capital expenditure fell short, indicating governance challenges.

This is a government that budgeted ₦178,905,088,681 as capital expenditure, commended for its thought to make capital expenditure higher than recurrent expenditure, only to spend ₦20,148,183,197 in the first quarter (January to March), falling significantly short of the projected ₦44,726,272,170 for the same period. A clear evaluation of another failed budget implementation.

Governor Abdulrahman should consider a leadership training program under Nyesom Wike for improved performance.

Abdulyekeen Mohd Bashir writes from Liberty Junction, Ibadan.

By Ibrahim Musa

There are indications that the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, NUPRC, the regulator of Nigeria’s upstream oil sector, is not responsible for the alleged delay in granting consent to the sale of $1.3 billion ExxonMobil’s 40 percent stake in Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited, MPNU’s assets to Seplat Energy Plc.

The intention of ExxonMobil to sell its oil assets to Seplat Energy Plc, a leading Nigeria’s independent energy company, started over two years ago but has not yet been concluded.

The Commission Chief Executive, NUPRC, Gbenga Komolafe, could not be reached for comments.
But speaking at the Africa Oil Week, AOW, in Cape Town, South Africa, last October, Komolafe, who had expected the deal to be concluded much earlier, said: “We are very optimistic that parties to the transaction will go back, look at the position of the regulator and come back by abiding by the provisions of Nigerian laws and the right thing will be done.”

However, a lawyer and well-informed Energy Analyst, who is familiar with the issue, said: “It is a very simple matter. When the idea to sell the assets came up, the NUPRC did not say no. It only insisted that the process stipulated in Section 14 of the 2019 Joint Operating Agreement, JOA, be followed.

“The JOA, which governs the Joint Venture operations between the Co-Venturers, clearly stated that they reach an agreement among themselves as a condition for getting NUPRC’s consent.

“In line with the law, the commission had advised Co-Venturers to comply because the marriage-like kind of relationship they have cannot be dissolved without the agreement of the parties.

“So, the Co-Venturers have to get back to the regulator to speak with one voice that they have agreed to sell the assets. This is the first step. There are also other steps, including the meeting of community obligations and commitment to the environmental restoration of producing sites.

“As a regulator, NUPRC upholds the law as contained in the Petroleum Industry Act, PIA, and guidelines on assignment of interests whatsoever, including share sales. This explains why it has already put in place a robust template to guide divestment in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.

“It is very important that all parties should respect the sanctity of law and JOA between Co-Venturers in the deal. At the moment, I know that the Co-Venturers are still in the process of resolving their commercial issues and demonstrate respect for the sanctity of JOA. When the parties have reached an agreement and get back to the regulator, I am optimistic that the NUPRC will hold a workshop to review their submission and grant consent.

“NUPRC has intuitively put in place arrangements to make it easier for investors to close deals. I am also optimistic that the Commission will grant what is often referred to as Subject-to-Clearance Consent within 30 days, provided the Co-venturers demonstrate strong commitment to meeting their obligations.”

Similarly, the National President, Oil and Gas Service Providers Association of Nigeria, Mazi Colman Obasi, said: “Already, the Engr. Komolafe-led team at the NUPRC has done so much to enable businesses in the industry.

For instance, NUPRC developed regulations, giving meaning and intent to the PIA, to ensure that all bottlenecks associated with regulatory processes are eliminated or minimized, to entrench seamless upstream petroleum operations.

“The gazetted regulations include Petroleum Licensing Round Regulations 2022, Petroleum Royalty Regulations 2022, Conversion and Renewal (Licences and Lease), Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Host Communities Development Regulations 2022, Domestic Gas Delivery Obligations Regulations 2022, Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Measurement Regulations 2023, Production Curtailment and Domestic Crude supply Obligation Regulations, 2023, Frontier Basins Exploration Fund Administration Regulations, 2023, Nigeria Upstream Decommissioning and Abandonment Regulations 2023, Significant Crude Oil and Gas Discovery Regulations, 2023, Gas Flaring, Venting and Methane Emission (Prevention of Waste and Pollution) Regulations, 2023 and Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Unitization Regulations, 2023.

“The 14 draft regulations awaiting gazetting include Upstream Petroleum Fees and Rent Regulations, Acreage Management Drilling and Production Regulations, Upstream Environmental Remediation Fund Regulations, Upstream Petroleum Safety Regulations, Upstream Petroleum Environmental Regulations, Upstream Petroleum Measurement Regulations, Advance Cargo Declaration Regulations, Draft Upstream Commercial Operations Regulations, Draft upstream Petroleum Code of Conduct & Compliance Regulations, Draft Upstream Petroleum Development Contract Administration Regulations, Draft Upstream Revocation of licences and Lease Regulations, Draft Upstream Petroleum Assignment of Interest Regulations, Draft Nigerian upstream Petroleum (Administrative Harmonisation) Regulations and Draft Amendment to the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Host Communities Development Regulations 2022.

“The NUPRC has held many stakeholder engagements on the commission’s Draft Regulatory Framework for Energy Transition, Decarbonisation and Carbon Monetisation and incorporated the inputs arising from the engagements into the regulatory framework, which will not only govern the activities of the newly established Energy Transition and Carbon Monetisation Division of the Commission but those of the entire industry in considering Energy Transition in oil and gas field development.

“As a business enabler, the NUPRC has intentionally attracted many local and foreign investors to Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, thus culminating in Nigeria’s oil reserves rising to 37.50 billion barrels in 2024, from 36.966 billion barrels recorded on January 1, 2023, while natural gas rose to 209 trillion cubic feet on January 1, 2024, from 208.83TCF recorded over the corresponding period last year.

“The Commission has taken deliberate steps to drive the decade of gas programme declared by the Federal Government through more aggressive development of the nation’s huge gas resources, enhanced exploration activities, development of utilization schemes leading to gas reserves growth, increased gas production, maturation of domestic and export gas markets, in addition to gas flare elimination and commercialisation through the Nigeria Gas Flare Commercialization Programme (NGFCP).

“NUPRC has completed the 2020 Marginal Field Bid Round and issued Model Licences and Petroleum Prospecting Licenses to deserving awardees leading to an early Field Development Plan, FDP, and production from the awarded Marginal Fields in line with the provisions of the PIA 2021.

“The Komolafe-led NUPRC has assisted several companies/fields in the attainment of the first oil production within the period under review. Some of the fields include the Anyala field (First E&P), Ikike (Total), Efe field (Newcross), Utapate, (NEPL), and Akubo Field (SEEPCo).”

Obasi added: “It should also be noted that under Engr. Komolafe’s proactive leadership, the NUPRC, has completed plans for the holding of the licensing round in 2024 in line with Section 73 of the nation’s PIA, a development that further illustrates its commitment to enabling businesses in Nigeria’s petroleum industry. Indeed, NUPRC deserves all the cooperation and encouragement it can get to conclude the ExxonMobil/Seplat Energy deal in a very responsible and transparent manner as well as in the best interest of all parties, including the Federal Republic of Nigeria”.

Ibrahim Musa is an Energy Analyst