The Minors’ Revolution

By Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa,SAN

 

 

Life is generally a bag of mixed occurrences, with a blend of the good, the bad and the ugly. There is no better way to teach a clowning government a lesson than when its officers embark upon an expedition of embarrassing proportions.

 

 

 

 

 

We are well accustomed to the odious practice of arraigning activists and other ‘enemies’ of the government in court for one trumped-up charge or the other but never did we ever imagine a descent of this magnitude as happened with the minors in Abuja on November 1, 2024.

 

 

 

 

 

Revolution is a form of conscious agitation for a fundamental change or a radical departure from the status quo.Politically speaking,it is organized to change the existing structure in order to usher in a new one.

 

 

 

 

 

In some cases,it may involve the overthrow or renunciation of one government or ruler and the substitution of another by the governed. In simple terms, it is to achieve a radical change, mostly in the socioeconomic situation.

 

 

 

 

There is a prevalent case of notorious neglect of children by the Nigerian government and all its collaborators, such that the number of out-of-school children has doubled over the years. One government after another, including the Renewed Hope ambassadors, have in the past promised to fix the helpless circumstance of all almajiris but nothing substantial has happened thus far.

 

 

 

 

 

The situation of Nigeria presently presents a golden opportunity for radical change, to halt the increasing hopelessness that neo-liberal agents and Brenton Wood apostles have imposed upon our people. The #EndBadGovernance protests opened up the flanks to challenge and indeed expose the cluelessness of the present leadership.

 

 

 

 

So it was that in or around August 1 2024 or sometime thereafter, citizens of Nigeria took to the streets in protest against hunger, bad governance, corruption and economic hardship. Government did its best to scuttle the protests but did not succeed as Nigerians insisted on due exercise of the right and freedom of expression granted to them under the Constitution. 

 

 

 

 

Surely no one supports the resort to violence in the guise of protest in any form whatsoever but it should not be the duty of the government to seek to gag its citizens all the time. The reality of what happened on August 1 2024 is that people are suffering and they should not be expected to keep quiet in the face of biting hunger and famine, which are the consequences of the failing economic policies of the government. 

 

 

 

 

 

The images from Kano and Kaduna States caught the government unawares as they helped to galvanize the spirit of revolution across the land. The reality must have dawned on the government belatedly though that it was losing grounds. I believe this is part of the reasons why those children were herded together and bundled to Abuja for trial.

 

 

 

 

 

But unknown to all of us, they started a revolution, a kind of movement which we must all key into and take to the next level. What were the minors saying? End bad governance, simple. The policies of fuel subsidy removal and floating the national currency have wreaked havoc on our people because they were either not well thought out or wrongly implemented.

 

 

 

 

Since the August protests, Nigerians have woken up to the reality of what awaits them in this Emilokan era. It will be a period of tax upon taxes without commensurate benefit to the people; mass hunger for many and prosperity for the few privileged ones who are close to power. Energy costs have ballooned uncounted times. 

 

 

 

 

 

From N187 per litre, petrol is now sold for N1,100 or more. This has in turn affected the cost of transportation and virtually every other aspect of our lives. In justifying the incredible hike in electricity tariff, the government created superficial divisions in the electricity distribution chain and graded the costs according to supply and availability.

 

 

 

 

Those graded on Band A were assured of a minimum twenty hours supply of electricity daily. That has not happened at all, in fact the national grid has collapsed beyond rescue after the said grading and electricity supply presently is about five hours a day in the Lekki area where I monitored it. When the conditions of a contract are broken, the contract itself becomes void and unenforceable. 

 

 

 

 

In the case of the Discos however,the government has empowered them against the citizens such that even when the Discos are not performing according to their covenant on the grading of the Bands, consumers are still forced to pay for their failure.

 

 

 

 

 

Since the government has a monopoly over electricity, supply should be a matter within the exclusive knowledge of the person exercising the monopoly so as to trigger the suspension of tariff hike once there is failure of electricity supply. 

 

 

 

 

To set up the bureaucracy of asking consumers to file complaints is pure exploitation and criminal evasion of responsibility. These were the issues that led to the #EndBadGovernance protests and they are still with us real time. My personal observation is that they have even gone worse than in August when we had the protests.

 

 

 

 

 

Since the minors were arraigned, the world has reacted with justifiable outrage at the seeming heartlessness of their captors. To commit treasonable felony is to seek to overthrow the government with arms, it is a deliberate plan to chase out those who are in power through force or violence. This will involve serious planning, huge funds and capacity, which is why the offence of treasonable felony attracts the maximum penalty. 

 

 

 

 

To then turn around to trivialize such sensitive matter by clamping it on minors who have no understanding of its import is a disservice to the nation and indeed the administration of criminal justice. Children are in a special class of their own, given that they are vulnerable and subject to manipulation. 

 

 

 

 

For this cause,special considerations are granted to them by way of waiver for their trial and prosecution, whenever any offence is alleged against them. 

 

 

 

 

First, it was wrong to have dumped them in police custody since August 2024 when they were arrested, constituting a gross violation of their fundamental rights. Second, conscious efforts should have been made by their captors to grant them right of access to legal practitioners, to their relatives and other persons who may render assistance to them in the course of their unlawful incarceration.

 

 

 

 

The sore point is their contrived arraignment. Interestingly, the proof of evidence filed by the prosecution in this case talks about water pipes, Russian flags and cables. This is nothing but prosecutorial malady. It is little wonder the government has hurriedly released the minors.

 

 

 

 

Like the Arab springs, it takes only one wrong move by any unpopular government for the people to rise up in mass protests. The case of the Abuja minors is one of them, seeing the state of hunger, poverty and neglect on their faces each time one goes through the viral video. No serious government will expose its citizens in such a form, breaching their innocence and showcasing the mercilessness of the government that is supposed to protect and care for them.

 

 

 

 

What will a thirteen-year-old boy offer in any plot to overthrow the government? It is wrong to punish even adults for protesting or seeking better governance how much more infants and minors. 

 

 

 

 

It is the same government that promulgated the Child Rights Act, wherein the procedure for the trial of minors is well encapsulated in fine details. Section 1 thereof states that “in every action concerning a child, whether undertaken by an individual, public or private body, institutions or service, court of law, or administrative or legislative authority, the best interest of the child shall be the primary consideration.” 

 

 

 

 

How does unlawful remand for three months without adequate care represent the best interests of children? In section 277, a child is defined as “a person under the age of eighteen years”, meaning that all those hapless souls that were ferried to court on November 1, 2024 by the federal government of Nigeria are regarded as children under the law. 

 

 

 

 

Both in section 34 of the Constitution and section 11 of the Child Rights Act, the child is entitled to freedom from torture and accordingly, “every child is entitled to respect for the dignity of his person, and no child shall be subjected to physical, mental or emotional injury, abuse, neglect or maltreatment, including sexual abuse, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, attacks upon his honour or reputation, held in slavery or servitude, while in the care of a parent, legal guardian or school authority or any other person or authority having the care of the child.” 

 

 

 

 

One then wonders what would drive the government into this desperate frenzy of baring its fangs on minors in order to make the point that it would not breed opposition. But the revolution has now fully commenced and all well-meaning persons who have the good interest of Nigeria at heart should join to rescue this country from the buccaneers and economic rentiers. 

 

 

 

The Emilokan regime is a symbol of prebendal dynasty, where all is about the interests of those in power and their cronies. The rights of the minors must be respected, protected and enforced.

 

 

 

 

The National Human Rights Commission should initiate the process of seeking redress for their unlawful detention and wrongful prosecution and civil society organisations should approach the courts on their behalf to challenge the flagrant violation of their fundamental rights.

 

 

 

The Nigerian Bar Association should move beyond press statements by visiting the minors and thereafter proceed to challenge their arraignment and prosecution and hold those responsible for this miscarriage of justice accountable. That is the best way to partake in the minors’ revolution.

 

 

 

 

As APC Takes Over Edo

 

 

By Daniel John 

 

On November 2024,the  All Progressives Congress (APC) will formally take over Edo State as Senator Monday Okpebholo assumes office as Governor.

 

 

As the ruling party in both the state and at the federal level, the APC, under Governor Okpebholo, will focus on three critical areas: governance, politics, and stakeholder engagement and re-engagement. This follows the APC’s painstaking victory in the gubernatorial election.

 

 

 

 

The Edo off-cycle gubernatorial election was highly anticipated, with 17 candidates contesting for the governor’s office, as officially published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The election took place across 18 Local Government Areas (LGAs), 192 wards, and 4,519 polling units.

 

 

 

This election played a crucial role in shaping the direction of Edo State’s political leadership for the next tenure.

 

 

 

The official results released by INEC confirmed a decisive victory for the APC, though not without some surprising outcomes. The APC received a total of 291,667 votes, surpassing the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), which garnered 247,274 votes. This resulted in a victory margin of 44,393 votes, indicating a strong lead for the APC but from a certain quarter, so to speak!

 

 

 

Examining the vote distribution, one might conclude that certain stakeholders have lost relevance, while others remain deeply connected to their constituents.

 

 

 

Like the other 36 states, Edo also has three senators: Bernard Neda Imasuen (Edo South), Monday Okpebholo (Edo Central), and Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole (Edo North).

 

 

 

In Edo North, the APC achieved a clean sweep, winning all six local governments in the senatorial district. This reflects the party’s stakeholders’ dominance,strong influence, and connection with the populace in the northern region of the state.

 

 

 

 

In Edo South, the APC secured victories in 3 out of 7 LGAs, while the PDP won the remaining 4. In Edo Central, the APC won in 2 out of 5 LGAs, highlighting a competitive race between the two major parties in the central district. This suggests the party may need to reinvigorate its momentum in these areas.

 

 

 

In summary, the senatorial performance was as follows:

 

– Edo Central:APC lost, winning only 2 out of 5 LGAs.

– Edo South:APC lost, winning only 3 out of 7 LGAs.

– Edo North:APC won, securing all 6 LGAs.

 

 

The most surprising outcomes were seen in the performance of each constituency of House of Representatives.

 

 

 

While some members displayed their strong connections with constituents, even at the grassroots level, others seemed out of touch, with some even losing in their polling units and entire constituency and local government areas.

 

Here is a summary of the constituency performances:

1. Akoko-Edo:APC won the LGA.

2. Egor/Ikpoba Okha:APC won 1, lost 1.

3. Esan Central/Esan West/Igueben APC won 2, lost 1.

4. Esan North East/Esan South East: APC lost all LGAs.

5. Etsako East/Etsako West/Etsako Central:APC won all LGAs with strong results.

6. Oredo:APC won the LGA.

7. Orhionmwon/Uhunmwonde:APC won 1, lost 1.

8. Ovia North East/Ovia South West: APC lost all the LGAs.

9. Owan East/Owan West:APC won all LGAs.

 

 

 

The APC’s victory was largely attributed to grassroots support by some members in Edo North.

 

 

 

The APC’s strong performance in the northern senatorial district and across various constituencies can be attributed to several factors. In recent years, stakeholders, particularly some House of Representatives members, have invested significantly in rebuilding political structures across Edo North and the broader state.

 

 

 

This groundwork played a direct role in the gubernatorial election results.

 

 

 

As Senator Monday Okpebholo assumes office as Governor, it is essential to maintain the support of key stakeholders, especially those in Edo North and other constituencies who contributed to the party’s success.

 

 

Recognizing their commitment, loyalty, and support through compensation, motivation, and acknowledgment will be vital to sustaining the party’s momentum.

John writes from Abuja, mohdee@oal.com

 

 

Rethinking The Protection Of National Critical Assets

       By Zayyad I. Muhammad
In recent times,Nigeria has faced a concerning increase in audacious attacks on its critical national assets and infrastructure. These assaults, carried out by bandits, insurgents, and vandals, threaten the stability and security of the nation. The targeted facilities are essential for the country’s economic growth and public safety.
On January 14, 2022, the 132 kV Ahoada-Yenagoa transmission line towers belonging to the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) were vandalized.
On March 28, 2022, the Abuja-Kaduna train was attacked by insurgents. The incident occurred in the evening as the train was en route to Kaduna from Abuja. This attack tragically resulted in casualties and the abduction of several passengers. Train services on the Abuja-Kaduna route were halted for many weeks.
On September 25, 2022, vandals attacked the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) towers 303 and 304 along the Jos road, disrupting electricity to the entire Northeast for weeks.
On June 20, 2024, the rail fittings installed on the Second Niger Bridge were uprooted and vandalized.
On June 11, 2024, insurgents attacked TCN towers T193 and T194 along the Damaturu-Maiduguri 330 kV Single Circuit Transmission Line, leaving Maiduguri and its environs in darkness for weeks.
In July this year,a report published by Thisday Newspaper estimated that Nigeria incurred a loss of approximately $3.57 billion in just the first five months of 2024 due to oil theft, largely attributed to pipeline vandalism and militant activities.
Experts suggest that improvements have been made in the security measures aimed at protecting oil and related assets, with around N50 billion allocated each year for local security contractors.
Furthermore,the Joint Task Force (JTF), known as Operation Delta Safe, comprises all branches of the armed forces, along with members of the Federal Road Safety Corps, to tackle this challenge. The Nigerian Navy has also initiated “Operation Delta Sanity” to bolster maritime surveillance.
It appears that bandits,vandals, and insurgents are becoming more daring and sophisticated than the strategies implemented to combat and prevent attacks on critical national assets. What needs to be done?
The government should, in addition to the strategy of having boots on the ground, also consider utilizing technology. For example, Nigeria can deploy advanced SCADA systems for the surveillance of critical national assets and infrastructure, such as power grids, water treatment plants, oil and gas pipelines, transportation networks, and communication systems.
Secondly,while the National Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) is doing good work in protecting some oil pipelines, they should be retooled, adequately staffed, and better funded.
More personnel should be deployed to protect critical power transmission lines and towers,as the core mandate of the Civil Defence is the protection of critical infrastructure—safeguarding government facilities and installations.
The Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) should enhance its monitoring systems from manual to high-tech, including the use of drones and real-time surveillance.
Additionally,the TCN’s public relations strategy should be improved; showcasing to the world that insurgents are capable of disrupting the entire northern Nigerian electricity supply was a significant PR blunder. In fact, it provided free publicity for the bandits, insurgents, and vandals.
Any country that fails to adequately protect its national assets and infrastructure will expose its national security, leading to compromised economic stability, public safety, and resilience to disasters, which may result in social disorder.
For instance,the current frustration in the north due to nearly ten days of blackout in the region stems from an attack on critical national assets—the 330 kV Shiroro-Kaduna transmission lines 1 and 2.
Nigeria’s international respect and reputation are at stake because the protection of critical national assets and infrastructure is an integral part of global security frameworks.
 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja,08036070980, zaymohd@yahoo.com
Remembering Iyalode Of Yorubaland

By Dimeji Kayode-Adedeji

Precisely 365 days today at about 6. 45am, a telephone call I first received came from the home of Alaba Oluwaseun Lawson. My heart skipped…and listening to the voice from the other end of the phone, It was sad news… Mama has gone to the Lord.

Honestly,I was immediately confused and still on my Jalamia, (Pyjamas) I drove straight to her private residence at Quarry Road in Abeokuta. Reality dawned on me on arrival and I couldn’t hold back tears which rolled down my face and I became speechless.

It was a Saturday I used to appear on a live radio program on fresh F.M between 9-11am. When I regained my consciousness, I put a call across to management of the station, that I can’t make it because I was bereaved. As I was still trying to comfort myself and further regain my strength as a man, there were torrential phone calls from my colleagues in the pen profession, knowing that I was her media adviser, trying to confirm the authenticity of the sad news.

 I had no choice but to issue a press statement early enough to avoid speculations and wrong news dissemination. I must confess in my career as journalist of over three decades that was my first time I will be writing a press statement on a demise of any individual.

 I must again openly say this, late Iyalode Alaba Lawson, Iyalode of Yorubaland, I knew for over 30 years was my great benefactor and I will continue to appreciate her even in death. She was there for me all time, a reliable mother, a sister and aunty from another womb.

 I have no regret knowing her, if there is opportunity to keep relationship in heaven, I will keep that relationship with Alaba Oluwaseun Lawson (Omo Jiboku Tanatana). Its exactly a year today you left this sinful world to rest in the arms of the Lord. The legacies you left behind speak volume. I pray you continue to rest in perfect peace. Adieu.

Prince Dimeji Kayode-Adedeji is founder of Penpushing Media and Media Adviser to the late Iyalode of Yorubland, Iyalode Alaba Lawson

A Work Template For The New Minister Of Livestock Development

    By Zayyad I. Muhammad
Nigeria boasts one of the largest cattle populations in Africa, ranking among the top on the continent. There are over 20 million cattle, primarily concentrated in the northern regions, including states such as Adamawa, Borno, Kaduna, and Kano.
The new Minister of Livestock Development, Idi Muktar Maiha, faces a difficult and tasking job in three key ways, so to speak.
First,the Ministry of Livestock Development is newly established, and expectations from Nigerians are high.
The ministry is tasked with overseeing and developing livestock policies, managing animal health and disease, improving breeds and genetic resources, enhancing husbandry and production systems, supporting rural livelihoods, and modernizing livestock marketing and trade.
From an informal perspective, expectations will focus on how the minister will transform the lives of nomadic cattle herders from being uneducated and nomadic to leading more settled, normal lives,while also addressing the farmer-herder conflict, as well as the notorious practices of cattle rustling, banditry, and kidnapping for ransom, which are prevalent among some cattle herders.
Mukhtar’s second challenge lies in his background; he has spent most of his career as a technocrat at NNPC. Whether he is aware of it or not, he will inevitably experience the bittersweet realities of politics. Once appointed as a minister, one automatically assumes a political role.
 Mukhtar will need to navigate this transition, deciding whether to embrace full-time politics or attempt to balance his technocratic expertise with his political responsibilities.
Furthermore,few people in Adamawa know him, despite his former role as Managing Director of the Kaduna Refinery, a Petrochemical Company (KPRC). As a result, many may perceive him as elitist and aloof, particularly in a position that is inherently people-centered.
Mukhtar’s third challenge stems from the performances of his two predecessors from Adamawa, Mohammed Musa Bello and Prof Mamman Tahir, which many Adamawa people view as less than stellar.
Their tenures have left a mixed legacy, leading to skepticism among the populace about Mukhtar’s ability to bring about something new and different. To distinguish himself, Mukhtar will need to work diligently to carve out his own identity and establish a positive track record.
This task is particularly crucial, as he shares several traits with both former ministers, which could lead to assumptions about his capabilities and approach.
By demonstrating effective leadership and addressing the needs of the people, Mukhtar can overcome this challenge and build a reputation that sets him apart.
With an impressive CV as a technocrat, along with practical knowledge of livestock management, Mukhtar’s Zaidi Farm stands out as a well-integrated enterprise that applies world-class best practices in animal husbandry.
 Given this background, we expect him to introduce innovative approaches to livestock management by benchmarking against countries renowned for their success in this field, such as New Zealand, Australia, the Netherlands, Denmark, Brazil, Ireland, and the United States.
These nations have excelled in implementing efficient and sustainable livestock practices, utilizing advanced genetic research and technology to enhance productivity. However, Mukhtar’s journey will be both sweet and bitter,largely depending on his approach to leadership, public relationships and policy implementation.
By embracing collaboration and leveraging global best practices, he has the potential to make significant strides in transforming the livestock sector.
Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980
Arms Proliferation And The Nigerian Security Forces

 By Zayyad I. Muhammad
Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the Nigerian National Security Adviser, stated during an arms destruction exercise organized by the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) that many of the illicit weapons currently used by terrorists and bandits originally belonged to the Federal Government of Nigeria.
Ribadu’s revelation may not come as a surprise to those familiar with the complexities of Nigeria’s security challenges, but it is both new and alarming to the average Nigerian.
For many, the realization that those entrusted with their protection are, in fact, selling weapons to terrorists, insurgents, and bandits is deeply unsettling. This issue demands a coordinated and strategic response. However, Mallam Nuhu assured that steps and measures have been taken to put an end to this.
But the big questions remain:Are these measures yielding sustainable results? What motivates or drives a security agent to sell weapons to terrorists and bandits,fully aware that they may become the first target of those very weapons?
Nuhu Ribadu stated, “The worst human being is a policeman or soldier who takes weapons from his own unit and sells them, or hides them for criminals to use against his colleagues.” This is true; however, additional measures are needed beyond what the NSA has mentioned to address this issue.
These should include improved welfare and salaries for security personnel, enhanced training, and stronger supervision. It’s important to consider that the actions of some security officers may not be solely motivated by money, but by radicalization or frustrations .
Nigeria must prioritize the use of technology in its fight against insurgency, terrorism, and banditry, as the world has moved beyond relying solely on boots on the ground. Employing technology to address these challenges is crucial, including the implementation of chips or inbuilt devices to track an attached every weapon assigned to the officer responsible for it.
Despite the few rogue elements within the security forces who recklessly jeopardize their lives and those of their colleagues and families by exchanging their weapons for peanuts, we must commend the majority of Nigeria’s dedicated soldiers, police officers, and other personnel who are actively working to recover illicit arms and eliminate corrupt practices within the security forces.
On the other hand, sabotage by rogue elements within security forces is not unique to Nigeria; many countries have faced situations where insurgency, terrorism, or banditry were exacerbated by these elements selling arms to militant groups. In Yemen, amid its civil war, there have been instances of arms diversion by corrupt individuals within the security apparatus. Weapons intended for the national army have ended up in the hands of Houthi rebels and various militant groups.
Similarly, during the conflict with ISIS in Iraq, reports emerged of Iraqi security forces losing control of arms depots or selling weapons to militant groups. Somalia has seen similar issues in its battle against al-Shabaab, where government and security officials were accused of selling or diverting weapons to the very militants they were fighting.
Another notable example is Libya. Following the fall of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, the country descended into chaos, with various factions and militias vying for control. Weapons from government stockpiles, as well as arms supplied by international actors, were sold or transferred to militias and insurgent groups, further escalating the violence. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), armed groups have long been involved in conflict, with reports indicating that elements within the military and police forces have sold weapons to these groups.
For any country grappling with the involvement of its security forces in the sale of weapons to insurgents, terrorists, and bandits, factors such as selfishness, corruption, and complicity within these forces play a significant role. Additionally, weak institutions and inadequate oversight have further exacerbated the problem.
 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja.He can be reached on:zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980
Rumbling . . .Of That Night At The Toll Gate Plaza

       Emiko Aruofor
The beats went on for days unending
The pizzas, the dancing and the megaphones
The passion was thick as steaming pap
And for the first time since June the twelfth
The Mainland and the Island too
Shared air, held hands and met eyes
Brother, where have you been
While I’ve lived my life to date.
Sister, you come across as butter,
But, you sure know to roll to the beat.
From Bariga to Banana, a common line
The cane that blanlah the wife inicio
Has come off the wardrobe top
And iyawo’s eyes are cloudy and red.
So, they gathered, thousand, upon thousand
To cry out loud to see an end
To the menace in starched khaki
Throttling down on blooming hearts
That none could breathe without
The constant SAR of air expired
The talks went on in fiery tomes
Heads bow down, knees aground
Voices raised in one lament.
The spirits bent and ground by the
Unyielding yokes and shackles
Of years gone by, would either
Crack and split asunder
Or make a stand and end it here
As real and true it’s all for certain
The best of wishes don’t horses make
Without a hint of a night foreboding
Darkness dimmed upon the waste
The frenzied tempos and waving arms
Gave way to yield to marching feet
And the drilled staccatos of glinting barrels
Sent to turn the reign of future kings
To crimson crowns soon embedded
In the freshly drenched tarmac
Of a road heading nowhere but hades.
If there were echoes of a revolution looming
The deep, heated breathe of hell descended
Gave way to fragments of shattered somnolence
As the grey curtains parted to a dawn
Of stunted dreams and shuttered speech
The hallowed grounds that heaved with hope
Now gave testament to shuddering tales
Whispered in the parable of scattered shoes and splattered shirts
Of lost bangles and that single earring
Haunting memories of souls gone
We know not where
Who Is Responsible For Basic Education Amid LG Autonomy:State Or Local Governments?

By Abdullateef Alagbonsi, Ph.D., LL.B.
The Nigerian public has shown solidarity for the Federal Government on its recent commendable action to settle the long-standing issues associated with the Constitutionally-enshrined Autonomy of Local Governments (LGs) in Nigeria. The Supreme Court has said in its well-celebrated judgment that the LGs are not a subordinate of the State Government but a separate tier of government under our Nigerian Federation.
 It has also emphasized that the LGs should receive its funds and determine how to spend same without the interference of the state government.
Governors, in their usual anti-LG autonomy posture, have been devising some backdoor mechanisms to weaken the implementation of this novel judgment.
One of them is the Governor of Kwara State, Mallam AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, who went ahead to be recruiting teachers and health personnel for the LGs even though he knows that the State Government under him will not pay a kobo for these workers’ salaries, but it will solely use the LG funds to pay them.
Another is my erudite Professor,Charles Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra state, who has cornered the State Legislature to make a Law that will mandate the LGs in his state to always pay certain amount to the State Government for funding of state obligations (yes, state obligations – see why in the succeeding paragraphs).
The examples of Governors with such anti-LG autonomy actions abound, but I will stop there to reduce my texts so as to be as concise as possible. As many citizens are beginning to be confused about the practicability of the Supreme Court judgement on the LG autonomy due to the continued emotional recruitment of public sympathy by these Governors, I have taken an active citizen responsibility to address some issue-specific points arising from the conversation so far.
While my article is focused on education, the same position is true for basic healthcare, and thus, my submissions can be extrapolated to this sector as well.
Who is responsible for education: State Government or LGs?
It is worthy of note that education at any level (including primary school) is not provided in the Nigerian Constitution as the main function of the LGs.
For clarity, readers can consult item 1 of the Fourth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution where all the main functions of LGs are clearly stated and no mention was made of education at any level.
The only part of the 1999 Constitution where education is partly attributed to the LGs is in item 2(a) of the Fourth Schedule that provides that “LGs functions shall include *participation* in the Government of a State with respect to the provision and maintenance of primary, adult, and vocational education; and health services (note my emphasis on participation)”.
Even though the Constitution, in its Section 7(1), has given the States the Powers to make Laws for the establishment, structure, composition, finance, and functions of the LG Councils, Section 7(5) of the Constitution has emphasized that “the functions to be conferred by State Laws on the LG councils shall include those set out in the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution.
Thus,any state Law giving the sole responsibility of the primary schools to the LGs is unconstitutional, null, and void, and a deliberate attempt to shift the State Government’s responsibility to the LGs, thereby robbing Peter (the LGs) to pay Paul (the state government’s workers).
The Compulsory, Free Universal Basic Education Act 2004 (herein referred to as the UBE Act) was enacted without prejudice to this very important item 2(a) of the 4th Schedule of the 1999 Constitution.
For clarity,the UBE Act was never made to attribute the responsibility of any layer of education (either Primary or Junior Secondary School) to only the LGs. To give life to item 2(a) of this 4th Schedule, the UBE Act provides a means by which LGs can participate in the education of the State by creating SUBEB and the Local Government Education Authority (LGEA) in its section 12(1) and 13(1) respectively.
 Section 13(1) of the Act emphasizes that the LGEA should be under the supervision of SUBEB. This is expected as LGEA (of the LGs) is only assisting the SUBEB (of the State Government), as the LGs are constitutionally required to only participate and assist the State Government on educational matters.
I have searched extensively, and I have not seen any part of the Nigerian constitution or the UBE Act that has given the payment of primary or junior secondary school teachers to LGs. The Constitution only allows the LGs to participate in the government activities on primary education. It does not say that the LGs should solely be responsible for the payment of primary school teachers.
How the LGs have been given the sole responsibility for the primary education they are expected to merely contribute to has remain a big question that all State Governors in Nigeria must explain within the letters of our Constitution!
The worst scenario of this kind of State Government’s interference with LG funds is seen in Kwara state where the LGs are responsible for the payment of all teachers in Primary and Junior Secondary schools.
I challenge the Government of Kwara State to refer me to any part of the Constitution or the UBE Act where such responsibility is tied to the LGs. I boldly accuse the Kwara State Government (and any other state government doing same) of fraudulently using LG funds to cater for their own responsibility in violation of the Constitution.
Why are the state governments the only one paying counterpart fund to UBEC, why not LGAs?
The UBE Act, in its Section 1, Part 1, started by making a disclaimer that the Federal Government’s intervention under the Act shall only be an assistance to the State and LGs in Nigeria for the purpose of uniform and qualitative basic education throughout Nigeria.
 To establish that the intendment of the lawmakers was to make UBEC deal with the LGs separately on the administration (except on financing) of basic education, not through their State Governors, I will highlight some provisions in the UBE Act where the relationships between the UBEC, State and Ls were distinguished:
Section 9 describing the function of UBEC
– Section 9(b) – “UBEC shall receive block grant from the Federal Government and allocate to the States and Local Governments and …”
– Section 9(e) – “UBEC shall collate and prepare periodic master plans, after consultation with the States and Local Governments, and ….”
– Section 9(f) – UBEC shall carryout a personnel audit of teaching and non-teaching staff of all Basic institutions in concert with the State and Local Governments.
Several persons have not had answers to why only the State Governments pay counterpart fund to UBEC, and why the LGs are not required to do same. The answer is simple. The State Government has the main responsibility for education.
The LGs are expected to merely contribute to it through their LGEA. The UBE Act has made the SUBEBs the vehicle through which the State Governments receive their matching grants upon payment of counterpart funds (making it an exception to the direct relationship of UBEC with the LGs highlighted earlier because the LGs are not envisaged by the Act to be co-funding education with the States).
 Section 11, in part III of the UBE Act, provides for the financing of the Universal Basic Education in Nigeria. In its subsection (2), the Act states that “for any State to qualify for the Federal Government block grant …, such State shall contribute not less than 50% of the total cost of projects as its commitment in the execution of the project.
 Subsection (3) emphasizes that “the administration and disbursement of funds shall be through the SUBEB. There was nowhere in the UBE Act that the LGEAs are required to participate in the funding of Basic education, either for payment of salary or for payment of counterpart fund to access UBEC grant.
That the UBE Act involves the LGs in the administration (other than financing) of the Basic Education is because of the contributory role the Constitution requires the LGs to play on Primary education, nothing more!
If the State Governors want the assistance of the LGs to contribute certain (financial) percentage of the counterpart fund that the States will pay to UBEC to access the matching grant, this assistance has to be legislated in the State UBE Law pursuant to item 2(a) of the Fourth Schedule of the Nigerian Constitution.
This way,the State Assembly can enact a law requiring the LGs to pay certain percentage (e.g. 30%) to SUBEB account while the State Government also pays certain percentage (e.g. 70%) to the same SUBEB account.
The accrued contribution of both the State and the LGs can now be used by the State Government to pay counterpart fund to UBEC for the purpose of accessing matching grant that will be used to uplift basic education in the State.
 A similar thing can also be done if the state governments want the assistance of the LGs on payment of teachers’ salaries, and this can be achieved by ensuring that any support to be rendered by the respective LGs is towards subsidizing the salary of teacher under that particular LG.
For instance, if Baruten LG should support the Kwara State Government on payment of teachers’ salaries, it should be with respect to the teachers within Baruten LG only. Same is applicable to other LGs. These ways, the LGs will be playing the contributory role expected of them pursuant to item 2(a) of the 4th Schedule of the Constitution.
This reasoning may inform why Prof. Soludo of Anambra state has worked out such mechanism whereby LGs will pay certain amount to the State purse on monthly basis. While that idea is an acceptable, there are loopholes in its approach and that is a topic for another day.
Who is the parasite and who is helping who between State and LGs?
In year 2020, a huge amount belonging to the LGs in Kwara State was used by the Kwara State Government to pay the salaries and pensions of SUBEB teachers in the Primary and Junior Secondary Schools. I will be specific only on the amounts used for salary for conciseness.
The amount and the percentage of the expenditure for each LGA used for payment of Primary and Junior Secondary School teachers’ salaries under SUBEB were: Baruten (₦ 486.6 million, 17.1%), Kaiama (₦423.4 million, 18.5%), Patigi (₦318.1 million, 16.8%), Edu (₦855.4 million, 37.8%), Moro (₦829.7 million, 41.8%), Isin (₦306.1 million, 21.5%), Ekiti (₦239.3 million, 16.8%), Oke-Ero (₦276.5 million, 19.4%), Irepodun (₦858.4 million, 44.8%), Oyun (₦558.9 million, 34.7%), Offa (₦676.9 million, 40.1%), Ifelodun (₦944.2 million, 39.9%), Asa (₦1.18 billion, 52.2%), Ilorin West (₦2.38 billion, 61.1%), Ilorin South (₦1.64 billion, 55.4%), and Ilorin East (₦1.35 billion, 50%). The patterns are similar for other years, but I chose to use only year 2020 as a case study so as not to inundate readers with boring figures.
It is worthy of note that the Kwara State Government paid no kobo as salary of the teachers of Primary and Junior Secondary Schools in Kwara State. It means that the LGs are not actually contributing to the education of primary school as required by the Constitution.
The LGs are actually solely responsible for the payment of salaries and pension of these teachers. I believe this is a convincing evidence to show that the State Government is a parasite eating the funds of the LGs.
I make no apology to say that the Kwara State Government is a liability on the 16 LGs, rather than the other way that the Governor has always made us to believe. This parasitic relationship is profiting the State Government, and that is why it does not support any form of autonomy for the LGs
In conclusion,the state governments should admit and face the reality that they are responsible for education and healthcare. The LGs are also required by the Constitution to contribute to these public services. The LGs are only expected to support the States where the States can’t bear the burden alone, not the other way.
The Kwara State Government in collaboration with the House of Assembly should immediately initiate steps to fully implement the LG autonomy in Kwara state through amendment of policies and legislations to conform with the current public order.
Written in Kigali, Republic of Rwanda by:
Abdullateef Alagbonsi, Ph.D., LL.B.,
Coordinator, Elites Network for Sustainable Development (ENetSuD)
info@enetsud.org
Did A Ring Kill Ayinla Omowura?

 

Festus Adedayo 

 

 

Obviously,because I am the unauthorised biographer of Ayinla Omowura, the musical enfant terrible of Yorubaland of the 1970s, I have been inundated by requests to lend a voice to an ongoing debate which has spiralled in Omowura’s hometown of Abeokuta, the capital of Ogun state. The debate stemmed from a claim by a man who said that, for four years, he investigated the “mysterious” death of the Yoruba Apala music lord and “unearthed startling revelations” therefrom.

 

 

 

Rather than the popular and legal affirmation that Omowura was murdered in a barroom brawl in May, 1980 in Abeokuta by his erstwhile Manager, Fatai Baiyewumi, the “investigation” by the man claimed that Omowura died as a result of a metaphysical ring prepared for him by a man called Ilelabewe Adisa.

 

 

 

 

The man said that in the course of his 4-year investigation, during which he had to interview the said Ilelabewe and some members of the Omowura family, as he dug, the orthodox claim of Ayinla’s murder by Baiyewumi didn’t add up, leaving him to believe the claim that herbalist Ilelabewe was actually the architect of Ayinla’s death.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The lead towards this herbalist, said the “investigator’” was provided by Kabiru, one of Ayinla’s sons, given birth to after the musician’s murder, who claimed that rather than Baiyewumi, a ring the musician wore on his finger, led to his death.

 

 

 

 

 

In the explanation of both Ilelabewe and Kabiru, the musician had been given a ring soaked in a magical potion which, if worn and used to hit an adversary, would lead to the adversary’s fall. The antidote lay in the ring wearer’s leg which, once they struck the unconscious adversary with it, they would regain their consciousness.

 

 

 

 

 

Tragedy claimed the duo,however,struck when,in the final showdown between Ayinla and his Manager in Ago Ika on May 6, 1980, the musician allegedly unknowingly hit his chest with the ring. It led to his fall and death. In one of the videos released by the “investigator,” Ilelabewe remorselessly said in Yoruba, “I killed Ayinla Omowura.”

 

 

 

 

 

Immediately after this widespread claim which the family felt cast aspersion on their departed father and grandfather musician, they all came out to denounce Kabiru and the said Ilelabewe. Ayinla’s first child, Kuburat who he variously serenaded in his albums, attaching her alias, “Kubure” to himself as the suffix – “Baba Kubure” – literally disowned Kabiru. She even cheekily almost disowned his paternity with the Yoruba saying that a home that is at peace will lose this precious commodity the moment its bastard offspring comes of age.

 

 

 

 

In my biography of the musician with the title Ayinla Omowura: Life And Times of an Apala Legend (2020) I had a chapter which I entitled “The Day Oloburo was murdered”. It articulates my research findings on the events leading to, the death and post-death matters that concerned the musician.

 

 

 

 

I interviewed consequential informants and living witnesses to his death which ranged from his surviving wives, children, two children of his spiritual advisor, Agbejapa Oba, one of whom saw Ayinla on the said morning of his death; his lead drummer who is late now (Adewole Oniluola) and Alhaji Ayinla Kollington, among many others. I also affixed an appendix to the book which was a verbatim Abeokuta High Court judgment which sentenced Baiyewumi to death by hanging on September 30, 1980.

 

 

 

 

 

Charged with murder contrary to s. 25(2) of the Criminal Code, Baiyewumi the accused (as the criminal justice system knew such people then), said the court, struck Ayinla with a beer jug on the head. Baiyewumi, through his counsel, Chief Sotayo, denied the charge but claimed that, upon seizing him (Baiyewumi) to demand the key of the motorcycle Omowura gave to him, “the deceased had begun to shake all over and then collapsed”

 

 

 

Upon autopsy,the cause of death,as given by Dr Majekodunmi, who conducted an autopsy on the late musician, was: “cerebral shock resulting from a fracture of the skull associated with contusion and a large intercranial haemorrhage, consistent with the deceased having been struck in the head with a heavy object.”

 

 

 

 

The doctor also told the court that there was noticed on the deceased’s head “a comminuted depressed fracture about 2 ins. X 1 ¼ ins. in the left temporal region.” He even told the court that the injury noticed on the head of the deceased “are associated with being hit on the head with a heavy object… could not have been self-inflicted.” The court agreed.

 

 

 

Under cross-examination, Dr. Majekodunmi was asked whether the vomiting that Omowura suffered on the spot immediately the heavy object hit him could have led to suffocation and death on its own. The doctor admitted the claim by the defence that Omowura was probably suffering from hypertension and that the sickness was what gripped him and led to his death.

 

 

 

 

However, it remained in the realm of probability as the only factual, scientific cause of his death was the heavy object that hit him on the left side of his head.

 

 

 

The missing link which many analysts of Ayinla’s death have not reckoned with but which I stumbled upon in the course of my research was that, either immediately he slumped in Ago-Ika area of Abeokuta, outside the beer parlour of one Sikiratu Adekola, or after being taken first to Akin-Olugbade Hospital, but certainly before he was taken to the last point of call – Abeokuta General Hospital – Ayinla’s almost lifeless body was taken to his Itoko home in Abeokuta. Why, is difficult to reason out.

 

 

 

 

However,when it is considered that the musician was dreaded for his heavy steep in metaphysics, it may be clear that he was probably taken home from the scene of attack to administer unorthodox revival intervention on him.

 

 

 

One of his wives,Kehinde,who claimed he saw his body in a car, brought to his home said in an interview during the course of my research that, “Yes, it is true that they brought Alhaji (Omowura) home to Itoko. When they brought him home, he was still breathing. He was in the car. His brother, Alhaji Dauda, sat at one end in the back seat of the car.Alhaji’s body was in the middle.

 

 

 

“Someone else who I cannot remember now, sat n the other edge of the car. They held him and were shouting, ‘Alhaji! Alhaji!’ His clothes had been pulled off from his body. You could see his heart running up and down (apparently gasping for breath). His tongue had jutted out. Some people started shouting that th house they brought him was not the best thing for them to do; that they ought to have taken him to the hospital. So they heeded this call and took him to Dr. Maje(kodunmi’s) hospital.”

 

 

Indeed, the theory that Omowura’s death was more metaphysical than physical gained traction in Abeokuta immediately after his death. When I spoke to his lead drummer, Oniluola, he trod the same path. He said he had always wondered what the musician was doing with several rings on his hands and that he probably died from one of them which he claimed must never touch human blood. Omowura’s wife with the nickname, Iya Agba, also told me that he could not in good conscience say that Baiyewumi killed the musician.

 

 

 

In a Yorubaland of the time that was highly embroiled in metaphysics,where it was believed that nothing in the physical happens without a metaphysical underlining, this reading of the death of such a controversial man was expected.

 

 

 

However, facts do not support the claims that the musician died as a result of Ilelabewe’s ring. The law also sniggers at the claim. Kabiru has always had very outlandish views about his father that were inconsistent with reality, something in the realm of the nightmarish. He manifested same when being interviewed for the biography of his father.

Who The Cap Fits!  

 

        Who The Cap Fits!
In 1705, Daniel Defoe published a poem critical of the British parliament in which he wrote, “Gentlemen, and if the Cap fits any Body let ’em wear it.” In Britain, “if the cap fits” is still the norm; but in North America, by the late 18th century, the expression morphed into “if the shoe fits. The shift from cap to shoe might have been influenced by the Cinderalla story, as versions of the story including the lost slipper were well known in the USA and Europe by 1773.
“If the cap fits” was an advertorial line employed by the British Parliamentary Recruiting Committee in 1915 to enlist people into the force. Like many advertisements both then and now, it played with a carefully calibrated set of meanings. On one level, the familiar idiom of ‘if the cap fits, wear it’ raises questions of identity and individual affirmation.
In another breath, this idiom was targeted via a specific type of cap and the diction of direct address. As the image confirms, the metaphorical ‘cap’ is now to be seen in terms of the khaki service cap, while the obligation to ‘wear it’ is re-interpreted via the action of ‘joining- up’, and the identity politics of active service.
The situation in Nigeria further reinforced my choice of title for this piece inspired by the popular hit song of the late Jamaican Ragge icon – Bob Marley. The music was recorded in September 1975 and released to the market in April of the following year.  In 1976, this single album by Bob Marley and The Wailers group ruled the air waves in Nigeria and beyond.
In this philosophical music composition, one may not have seen through the gaze ball to foretell what would become our fate today in Nigeria. We have seen evolving over the years, a political culture that creates particularism identity around political leaders – who adopt unique dress codes to register their brands in the minds of admirers and followers.
To register himself in the subconsciousness of the people, the leader strives to carve an image for himself with a seeming ideological bent as his identity.  The great leader of the India political dynasty late Mahatma Gandhi, who in 1930 led the famous Salt marchin Dandi, has become synonymous with the famous round-rimmed spectacles. His admirers easily identify with this symbolic object.
The late sage, Obafemi Awolowo identified with Gandhi’s type of cap and glasses, which has successfully etched his image in the mind of his admirers as an ethical leader who bore the traits and leadership qualities of Gandhi. Festus Okotieboh, an Urohobo/ itshekiri man, the first Nigerian Minister of Finance under the late Tafawa Balewa government in the First Republic, was reputed for his flowing flamboyant dressing.
He established the Central Bank of Nigeria. Till date, Nigeria has not produced such flamboyant personality again. The oratory skill of Zik of Africa – Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe our first ceremonial President was unparalled.
Substantially, Obafemi Awolowo patterned his political life after his mentor, Mahatma Gandhi who was also a lawyer. His commitment to good governance and brick-laying for an egalitarian society which was the hallmark of his governance in the Old Western Region, is uncommon.
The first Republic political class created a niche for themselves.Unfortunately, their faint footprints did not outlast except the few who successfully etched their image on people’s minds.  In the second Republic, Alhaji Shehu Shagari’s sky-scrapper cap was popularized by the National Party of Nigeria stalwarts.  No sooner had he left the stage, when his identitarian brand left in his trail.
Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida IBB, the most enigmatic evil-genius the country has ever produced, emerged his period marks the beginning of brain-drain with exodus of University lecturers leaving the country in search of a greener pastures with the slogan “Andrew” and Andrew what was he imprinted on the nation’s governance. Humongous national resources disappeared under his watch without trace. He instituted money politics and enthroned lootocracy in Nigeria.
The dark – goggle man, ‘Emperor’ Sani Abacha followed in this “Maradona” footsteps. He also carved an identity for himself via a brooch which every loyalist must adorn. To be bereft of the symbol is to be regarded as an adversarial force.  Interestingly! the brooch disappeared with his exit from the stage.
The train again moved from the military to the democratic station. Obasanjo mounted the saddle, as a musician with no record label for his new found gospel song – my life time, I’ll give up my life”, he indeed gave up his life time to water the garden of corruption planted by his predecessors.
“Ghana – must – go” bags became synonymous with the Ota farmer enamored with the ‘ambition’ to salvage Nigeria.
As Tinubu with the clandestine support of three retired Army Generals- OBJ, IBB and Tripple A – strives to help Baba Buhari recapture the political space, the shout of Sai – Baba rented the air.  Tinubu and his co-strategists repackaged the stone-faced “repentant pseudo-democrat”, and wooed Nigerians with their change mantra. Their propaganda machineries were ferocious and encapsulating.
Nigerians were regaled with tales of lies. Even those in government engaged in subterfuge to bring down Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s government. Interestingly, Buhari’s change mantra soon transmuted into “chain” dirge all through the 4+4 – 8 years of his government. “Sai Baba  turned to Kai Baba”.
Now the Ebilokan Renewed Hope peddler has borrowed an image bigger than himself. Some have acquired what I call “ways and means” and therefore think they are qualified to identify with great progressives such as Mahatma Gandhi and Obafemi Awolowo; Bola Ige; Arthur Nwanko; S.G. Ikoku Aminu Kano – the Seriki Talakawas; Abubakar Rimi to mention but a few.
I fear that some may be living in an imaginary world and wearing an oversized shoe. Someone putting on an air of a progressive in the mould of these iconic round-rimmed- spectacles personalities, may indeed be a progress-thief, who operates on stolen identity to ‘rob’ his people.
Any discerning political observer, would notice that the once endearing – figured 8 embroidery cap, whose bearer would wish to promote as a national symbol, is no longer captivating. Rather, it is fast disappearing from the political landscape.
This symbolic cap has become an irritant to even those who previously identify with the powers that be in the country. The figure 8 embroidery was once described by the owner at a parley in Abeokuta that the cap represents a broken shackles of chains into freedom. The expression of a broken chain – Chains of what?
The underlay betrays the cravings and power mongering of a deft power player, whose ambition beat the most resilient  anti- progressives. Interestingly, none of those who pride themselves as power brokers could decipher the signals emitting from Bourdillon until a neighbor urged for patient with the cap as it would fly for another four years.
Why would he not crush the crush-ables to actualize an age – long ambition? Why should anyone tolerate dissent voices to threaten an ambition finally realized, even if doubly impoverished citizens must endure excruciating pains and hardship to water the ambition? Citizens gagged, press freedom tactically suppressed and protest against hunger untolerated? While profligacy is promoted and celebrated by the powers that be?
The cap has indeed become an albatross, loathsome to identify with. It has become a symbol of subterfuge, misery and dashed hope. The cap seems no longer fanciful, fitting or fascinating. What then has become of our cap, our symbol, our identity? Does the cap no longer fit?
Man to man is so unjust,children you don’t know who to trust..
Lanre Ogundipe
Former President
Nigeria Union of Journalists
and African Union of Journalists  writes from Abuja